Winston Churchill presented his Sinews of Peace, (the Iron Curtain Speech), at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri on March 5, 1946.
President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America:
I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name "Westminster" somehow or other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.
It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities–unsought but not recoiled from–the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.
I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.
Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic concept". There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.
To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.
When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of human pain". Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.
Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over-all strategic concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step — namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars — though not, alas, in the interval between them — I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.
I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.
It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Facist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.
Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people — namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.
All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice — let us practice what we preach.
though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.
Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, "There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace." So far I feel that we are in full agreement.
Now, while still pursing the method — the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.
the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come — I feel eventually there will come — the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.
There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. "In my father’s house are many mansions." Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.
I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have "faith in each other’s purpose, hope in each other’s future and charity towards each other’s shortcomings" — to quote some good words I read here the other day — why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other’s working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.
A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain — and I doubt not here also — towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone — Greece with its immortal glories — is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.
Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.
If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate action , to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts — and facts they are — this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.
The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United State has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. That I feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.
In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito’s claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.
The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.
I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or event he same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.
On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.
From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided of falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.
Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken here and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. there never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely, ladies and gentlemen, I put it to you, surely, we must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, by reaching a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title, "The Sinews of Peace".
Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. Do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one’s land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for our time, but for a century to come.
Success for me
Hello, everyone! Good afternoon! I am very glad to have the chance to make this speech. My topic is: how to achieve success. First of all, let us see a story.
“Long long ago, there was a king who had a daughter as beautiful as a blooming rose. To all the men who came to the king's palace to ask for the hand of the princess, the old king gave them three tasks to be accomplished, each next to impossible. One day, there came up a handsome young prince in the king's palace." Well, you know the rest. The three tasks may be different in different versions, but the main plot is always the same, Prince successfully passed all the challenge and got the heart of the princess in time. And the ending is always the same, finishing with the line "And they live happily ever after."
Why aren't we tired of this story so beautiful, so uealistic (, I would say, so unimaginative ? How can a story like that can enduregenerations of repetition? The reason, I think, is that a typical success story like this is so close to our daily life. Moreover we can understand so deeply, it is not just a story, but a good will from people’s inner heart. By implication, we see a 4-step definitions of success: 1 ) a goal to be set. as represented by the beautiful princess. So you’d better find your princess as soon as possible; 2 ) challenges to be meet, as represented by the three tasks. Only if you directly meet the challenge, can you besuccessful; 3 ) the process of overcoming difficulties, as represented by the ordeals the youth goes through; 4 ) the reward of success, as represented by the happy marriage. That’s all! Find your princess, meet challenges, overcome difficulties, and have a good life.
Thank you!
As long as you believe, there will always be a miracle, although the hope is slim, but it will last forever
American writer; Henry told a story in his novel "the last leaf >: ward, a dying patient saw the window from the room of a tree in the autumn leaf falling. The patient looked at the front of the Xiao Xiao leaves, the body will go from bad to worse. As one day. She said:" when all the leaves fall out, I will die. "Upon learning of an old painter, painting a green leaf hanging on the branch.
Finally, the leaves did not fall. Just because of this piece of green life, the patient miraculously survived
Life can not have a lot of things, but can not be without hope. Hope is an important value of human life!
敬愛的老師、親愛的同學們：
大家好!今天我講話的題目是：與好書為友，以讀書為樂。
Dearleaders and school fellows, good morning, today my speech is "Be a friend ofgood books and enjoy reading"!
書是人類進步的階梯。生活裡沒有書籍，就好像大地沒有陽光;智慧裡沒有書籍，就好像鳥兒沒有翅膀。讀書是成長的基石，讀書是精彩人生的開始。古今中外眾多志士偉人都是勤奮讀書的楷模。
Books are the ladders of human progress. A life without a book is likethe earth without sunshine. Reading is the foundation of our growth, reading isthe beginning of a wonderful life. Many great men in history are our rolemodels .
同學們，知識改變命運，學習成就未來。希望大家與好書為友，以讀書為樂。行動起來吧，讓濃濃的書香溢滿我們的校園!
我的講話完畢，謝謝大家!
Myschoolmates, knowledge can change fate. Learning achieves future. We hopeeveryone will be a friend of good books and enjoy reading. Why not startreading now? Let the books infiltrate the campus.
That’sall. Thanks for listening.
College is the very amazing stage for students, they have gone through the hard time and finally come to their dream place. In this beautiful age, students are young and full of energy, their color of youth should be red, which means active.
大學是學生非常美妙的階段,他們已經度過了艱難的時期,最終來到他們夢想的地方。在這個美麗的年紀,學生是年輕和充滿活力,青春的顏色應該是紅色的,這意味著活躍。
For college students, their main energy should be put on study. It is the age of fighting, they need to learn more knowledge, so that they can make some preparation for their future. What they learn will decide what kind of job they will do in the future. It is important to master the skills and find their own advantages.
對大學生來說,他們的主要精力應該放在學習。這是奮鬥的年紀,他們需要學習更多的知識,這樣他們就可以為他們的未來做準備。他們學習什麼將決定他們將來會做什麼樣的工作。重要的是要掌握技巧,找到自己的優勢。
Besides study, joining the activity is also part of their lives. They can learn how to get along with others and cooperate with other students. Cooperation is really important, the employers take special attention on this ability. So joining the activity can cultivate students’ practical skills.
除了學習,參加活動也是他們生活的一部分。他們可以學習如何與他人相處和與其他學生合作。合作是非常重要的,僱主特別關注這一能力。所以參加活動可以培養學生的實踐技能。
The color of youth is red, it is full of energy, students store their knowledge and fight for their future.
青春的顏色是紅色的,它充滿了能量,學生在儲備他們的知識和為他們的未來而奮鬥。
Youth is not a time of life; it is a state of mind; it is not a matter of rosy cheeks, red lips and supple knees; it is a matter of the will, a quality of the imagination, a vigor of the emotions; it is the freshness of the deep springs of life.
青春不是年華，而是心境;青春不是桃面、丹脣、柔膝，而是深沉的意志，恢巨集的想象，炙熱的戀情;青春是生命的深泉在湧流。
Youth means a temperamental predominance of courage over timidity, of the appetite for adventure over the love of ease. This often exists in a man of 60 more than a boy of 20. Nobody grows old merely by a number of years. We grow old by deserting our ideals.
青春氣貫長虹，勇銳蓋過怯弱，進取壓倒苟安。如此銳氣，二十後生而有之，六旬男子則更多見。年歲有加，並非垂老，理想丟棄，方墮暮年。
Years may wrinkle the skin, but to give up enthusiasm wrinkles the soul. Worry, fear, self-distrust bows the heart and turns the spirit back to dust.
歲月悠悠，衰微只及肌膚;熱忱拋卻，頹廢必致靈魂。憂煩，惶恐，喪失自信，定使心靈扭曲，意氣如灰。
Whether 60 or 16, there is in every human being’s heart the lure of wonders, the unfailing appetite for what’s next and the joy of the game of living. In the center of your heart and my heart, there is a wireless station; so long as it receives messages of beauty, hope, courage and power from man and from the infinite, so long as you are young.
無論年屆花甲，抑或二八芳齡，心中皆有生命之歡樂，奇蹟之誘惑，孩童般天真久盛不衰。人人心中皆有一臺天線，只要你從天上人間接受美好、希望、歡樂、勇氣和力量的訊號，你就青春永駐，風華常存。
When your aerials are down, and your spirit is covered with snows of cynicism and the ice of pessimism, then you’ve grown old, even at 20; but as long as your aerials are up, to catch waves of optimism, there’s hope you may die young at 80.
一旦天線下降，銳氣便被冰雪覆蓋，玩世不恭、自暴自棄油然而生，即使年方二十，實已垂垂老矣;然則只要樹起天線，捕捉樂觀訊號，你就有望在八十高齡告別塵寰時仍覺年輕。
Whether sixty or sixteen, there is in every human being's heart the lure of wonders, the unfailing childlike appetite of what's next and the joy of the game of living. In the center of your heart and my heart there is a wireless station: so long as it receives messages of beauty, hope, cheer, courage and power from men and from the infinite, so long are you young.
無論是60歲還是16歲，你需要保持永不衰竭的好奇心、永不熄滅的孩提般求知的渴望和追求事業成功的歡樂與熱情。在你我的心底，有一座無線電臺，它能在多長時間裡接收到人間萬物傳遞來的美好、希望、歡樂、鼓舞和力量的資訊，你就會年輕多長時間。
An individual human existence should be like a river—small at first, narrowly contained within its banks, and rushing passionately past boulders and over waterfalls. Gradually the river grows wider, the banks recede, the waters flow more quietly, and in the end, without any visible break, they become merged in the sea, and painlessly lose their individual being.
人的生命應當像河流，開始是涓涓細流，受兩岸的限制而十分狹窄，爾後奔騰咆哮，翻過危巖，飛越瀑布，河面漸漸開闊，河岸也隨之向兩邊隱去，最後水流平緩，森森無際，匯入大海之中，個人就這樣毫無痛苦地消失了。
Youth means a temperamental predominance of courage over timidity, of the appetite for adventure over the love of ease. This often exists in a man of sixty more than a boy of twenty. Nobody grows old merely by a number of years. We grow old by deserting our ideals.
青春意味著戰勝懦弱的那股大丈夫氣概和擯棄安逸的那種冒險精神。往往一個60歲的老者比一個20歲的青年更多一點這種勁頭。人老不僅僅是歲月流逝所致，更主要的是不思進取的結果。
Years may wrinkle the skin, but to give up enthusiasm wrinkles the soul. Worry, fear, self-distrust bows the heart and turns the spirit back to dust.
光陰可以在顏面上留下印記，而熱情之火的熄滅則在心靈上刻下皺紋。煩惱、恐懼、缺乏自信會扭曲人的靈魂，並將青春化為灰燼。
ladies and gentlemen , good afternoon! i’m very glad to stand here and give you a short speech. today my topic is “youth”. i hope you will like it , and found the importance in your youth so that more cherish it.
first i want to ask you some questions:
1、do you know what is youth?
2、how do you master your youth?
youth
youth is not a time of life, it is a state of mind ; it is not rosy cheeks , red lips and supple knees, it is a matter of the emotions : it is the freshness ; it is the freshness of the deep springs of life .
youth means a temperamental predominance of courage over timidity of the appetite , for adventure over the love of ease. this often exists in a man of 60 more than a boy of 20 . nobody grows old merely by a number of years . we grow old by deserting our ideals.
years wrinkle the skin , but to give up enthusiasm wrinkles the soul . worry , fear , self –distrust bows the heart and turns the spirit back to dust .
whether 60 of 16 , there is in every human being ‘s heart the lure of wonders, the unfailing childlike appetite of what’s next and the joy of the game of living . in the center of your heart and my heart there’s a wireless station : so long as it receives messages of beauty , hope ,cheer, courage and power from men and from the infinite, so long as you are young .
when the aerials are down , and your spirit is covered with snows of cynicism and the ice of pessimism, then you are grown old ,even at 20 , but as long as your aerials are up ,to catch waves of optimism , there is hope you may die young at 80.
thank you!
We care about ourselves more and more. We eat what's right and we exercise. We absolutely embrace health. However, it is not only our health that we should embrace, though many of us do not realize that. Many of us do not realize that the earth we live on is a fragile being that needs to be protected like a new born child.
We probably haven't even noticed, that with each stride the civilization takes toward the ultimate development, more burdens are added to the earth that provides us with essentials to live. The decrease in air quality, the climate change, medical waste, noise and water pollution, and even food poisoning has added to the list of growing concerns to our living environment. Human are not supernatural beings, thus these problems have affected pretty much every matter. We upgrade gadgets and make full use of newer technologies, but we pay for the consequences in turn. For instance, the advent of batteries and machinery has caused million tons of water become toxic and undrinkable, further aggravating the already serious condition of water shortage and poisoning in several countries. The over-production and over-use of transportation vehicles and electricity has contributed to the Global Warming and caused myriads of species to disappear from the face of the earth due to home-loss and temperature change. We have brought wonders to the world, but have also destroyed miracles of nature. We are concerned about our nutritional intake and exercise all the time, so why shouldn't we care about the conditions of our living planet as well?
Time is ticking on. We shouldn't put off the whole "save the environment" affair any longer. Please, do what feels right in our hearts, even though it is only a tiny matter. Save up resources, promote the recycling and reusing of products, and always remember to take some time off going into the woods and breathe in the sweetness in the air. We have come from the woods, thus we would all have a secret desire in our hearts to harmonize with nature again. Remember, every little thing matters.
Life, there are three stages - youth, middle age and old age, which is the most precious youth, this period any move will affect the later life, so to speak, adolescence is the foundation of life, the success of future generations is built on this foundation. Have such a book, it says the adolescent age is 13 to 19 year old boy. Carefully thought, (you certainly refers to the students. Are standing on the starting point of a person.
Also said that the book is adolescence has a warm, vigorous can make their own youth, can to some details, sad cry, this is our, happy and do not break composed, impulse and do not break a shrine. Starting on, write a diary, when I grow up one day, one of an adult calm state of mind to see it again, maybe you will be moved to cry, may laugh along while, may do a lot of action, because this is we have youth, beautiful like a dream, happy, like fairy, simple like a leaf, in social this big tree researched under his shade, hot outside has nothing to do with us, we just separated out my own piece of the woods, radiation with his cool and refreshing, but we will feel sorry, because we miss too many opportunities, also failed too much, that is our, happy, may not understand to cherish, simple us. If gave up during this period, the future will be dim light, in the mountains there are so many children to read, as long as some pens, a book and a house can have a class, has no other desire, if we are with them in class, I dare not say we are the children in the city how much stronger than they, perhaps we might as well be "wild child" of these in our eyes, because only a person lost will be more know to cherish, coloured drawing or pattern is more seriously in the face of everything.
For us, after the third day of the examination is a barrier, is very important for us is very serious thing, can take an examination of to a good high school? Can have a good high school life? This is now all doubt there are many people around us, but a loser, is can't afford to defeat the loser, perhaps is a failure, let their cold hearts, they can't make a loss. Maybe they had tried, regret, but too late, discarded after don't come back, actually everybody's strength is similar, just lack of effort and confidence, believe your own power, lost nothing, but can't afford to lose momentum, even if the failure of the end let you stand up, not lying to life, there is at least a fighting, later remembered wouldn't be so sorry, so timid, do not regret it, is belongs to our youth, because when let our master, come on, perhaps, victory come from
We Are The World ,We Are The Future
Someone said “we are reading the first verse of the first chapter of a book, whose pages are infinite”. I don’t know who wrote these words, but I’ve always liked them as a reminder that the future can be anything we want it to be. We are all in the position of the farmers. If we plant a good seed ,we reap a good harvest. If we plant nothing at all, we harvest nothing at all.
We are young. “How to spend the youth?” It is a meaningful question. To answer it, first I have to ask “what do you understand by the word youth?” Youth is not a time of life, it’s a state of mind. It’s not a matter of rosy cheeks, red lips or supple knees. It’s the matter of the will. It’s the freshness of the deep spring of life.
A poet said “To see a world in a grain of sand, and a heaven in a wild flower, hold infinity in the palm of your hand, and eternity in an hour. Several days ago, I had a chance to listen to a lecture. I learnt a lot there. I’d like to share it with all of you. Let’s show our right palms. We can see three lines that show how our love.career and life is. I have a short line of life. What about yours? I wondered whether we could see our future in this way. Well, let’s make a fist. Where is our future? Where is our love, career, and life? Tell me.Yeah, it is in our hands. It is held in ourselves.
We all want the future to be better than the past. But the future can go better itself. Don’t cry because it is over, smile because it happened. From the past, we’ve learnt that the life is tough, but we are tougher. We’ve learnt that we can’t choose how we feel, but we can choose what about it. Failure doesn’t mean you don’t have it, it does mean you should do it in a different way. Failure doesn’t mean you should give up, it does mean you must try harder.
As what I said at the beginning, “we are reading the first verse of the first chapter of a book, whose pages are infinite”. The past has gone. Nothing we do will change it. But the future is in front of us. Believe that what we give to the world, the world will give to us. And from today on, let’s be the owners of ourselves, and speak out “We are the world, we are the future.”
世界是我們的，未來是我們的
一些人說“我們正在讀一本無窮的書中的第一章的第一節。”我不知道誰寫了這些話，但是我一直很喜歡它，因為它提醒了我，我們能夠創造我們想要的未來。
我們都是農夫。如果我們播下好的種子，我們將會豐收。如果我們的種子很差，有很多草籽，收割的將是無用的莊稼。如果我們什麼也不播種，什麼收穫也沒有。
我們是年輕的。“怎樣度過青春?”這是個有意義的問題。為了去回答它，我首先要問“從„青春‟這個詞中你能理解到什麼?” 青春不是人生的一個時期，而是精神的一種狀態。青春不是桃面、丹脣、柔膝，而是深沉的意志，。青春是生命的深泉在湧流.
一位詩人說“從一粒沙看世界，從一朵花看天堂，把無限放在你的手掌，永恆在一剎那裡收藏”。幾天前，我有了一個聽講座的機會，從中我學到了很多東西。現在，我想把這些與大家共享。讓我們伸出右手，我們可以看到手掌中的展示我們的愛，事業和生活的三條線。我在生活方面這條線很短，那你們的呢?我想知道我們是否可以用這種辦法去看我們的未來。好的，讓我們一起握拳。我們的未來在哪兒?我們的愛、事業和生活在哪兒?告訴我!是的，它們就在我們的手中。它們被我們自己掌握著。
我們所有人都希望未來能比過去更美好，但是未來能自己變得更好。不要因為結束而哭泣，微笑吧，為你的曾經擁有。從過去來看，生活是艱苦的，但我們是更堅強。我們知道我們不能選擇感覺，但是我們能選擇和它相關的東西。失敗並不意味著你不擁有成功，它只意味著你應該用另一種方式去做這件事。失敗並不意味著你應該放棄，只意味著你應該更加努力。
正如我在前面所說的“我們正在讀一本無窮的書中的第一章的第一節。”過去的已經過去，無論我們無力改變，但是未來卻在我們前方。相信“我們給了世界什麼，世界也將給我們”。並且從今天起，讓我們一起做我們自己的主人，一起大聲說出“世界是我們的，未來是我們的。”
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